NSTP FILE PIC, FOR ILLUSTRATION PURPOSE ONLY.
NSTP FILE PIC, FOR ILLUSTRATION PURPOSE ONLY.

"As provocative as it is, someone is just pointing out the elephant in the room."

"The majority Chinese students from Chinese schools are somewhat racists."

These are two unprompted comments I received from Chinese Malaysians in reaction to reports that academician Professor Teo Kok Seong is being investigated for purportedly offensive remarks about Chinese vernacular schools.

While Teo's (no relation to writer) comments may resonate even with me, I am unsure if he really meant prejudice against other races are being inculcated in Chinese vernacular schools.

Passive propagation of pre-existing stereotypes may perhaps be more pervasive when the school environment is dominated by a single race.

This problem is not exclusive to Chinese schools. I daresay it applies wherever the school environment is skewed towards only one race.

While Chinese politicians can and will reflexively dismiss negative remarks about Chinese schools by non-Chinese, especially other politicians, my wish is that Chinese politicians resist the urge to take offence, especially if negative remarks emanate from within the Chinese community.

Perhaps that is too much to expect of our politicians (of all racial origins) in our racially charged political system.

Ordinary Chinese Malaysians, though, must reflect before passing judgement on whatever is said about Chinese schools. They — and rightly so — may insist that vernacular schools are part of minority rights enshrined in the Federal Constitution enacted at the dawn of Merdeka.

Which makes it incumbent on them to take criticisms in their stride, more so if they are from the community.

For, no matter what non-Chinese Malaysians may say against vernacular schools, their remarks are immaterial since such schools are constitutionally protected. Only the Chinese have it within them to demand change, if change is required for changing times.

The issue is not about whether Chinese schools serve the educational needs of the community. Of that, there is no issue.

The crux of the matter, I think, is whether Chinese schools contribute to national unity or may, in fact, be one of the major factors to the the unending racially inspired discord in the country.

Chinese schools are, of course, not the be-all and end-all to cut the Gordian Knot of our woeful lack of national unity. Something has to give, but what, exactly?

As a minority, many Chinese Malaysians may — again, with justification — argue that the majority community must make the first magnanimous move to show sincerity. But the majority may counter-argue that agreeing to vernacular schools was the original act of magnanimity, but look where this has landed the country today in terms of national unity.

My humble suggestion is that we need a serious review of the various constitutional bargains struck at Merdeka, which have undoubtedly done much to keep the peace, even if it is not a very happy one.

This will best be carried out absent political actors whose proclivity for grandstanding will negate whatever such a review hopes to achieve.

The best outcome, in my view, will be some broad new consensus that redirects all energy and resources towards building a single, national education system we can all be proud of.

An exceedingly tall order? You bet!

But if there is such a groundswell of popular support for this change, politicians will find the courage to really serve the nation's interest and promote true national unity.

Some food for thought for Chinese Malaysians. I cannot help but draw on the example of the struggle for school desegregation and integration in the United States.

Segregation was originally conceived by majority whites and de-segregation demanded by minority blacks.

Overt racism in the US ended only when schools became truly integrated.


* The writer views developments in the nation, region and wider world from his vantage point in Kuching