SINCE the Kuala Lumpur Municipal election in 1952 that bound Umno and MCA into a partnership, the political coalition has become a norm in Malaysian politics.
In Malaysia, neither ideologically nor ethnically based political parties could form the government without entering negotiations with other parties.
Along with political maturity, the pattern of coalition politics has evolved from ethnic-based to strategic interest coalition.
If we examine the pattern, after a decade, a political pact that was born out of the Gerakan Reformasi, eventually went through stages of evolution.
In the 15th General Election, we saw a trend where contesting parties rallied under the official coalition symbolism, either by hoisting the same party flag, banner, or logo.
Ultimately, uniformity is a prerequisite for mutual understanding in governance.
After 68 years of election, the existing political partnership between major parties, already set a distinctive record in Malaysia's politics with the formation of a "grand coalition" at the state and federal level.
Subsequently, it slightly decreases politicking and stabilises the country for the next four years.
Although the points above mainly concern the coalition of major parties, is there any possibility for the minor party to emerge triumphant in the nationwide scale election?
In the upcoming six states elections, Muda (Malaysian United Democratic Alliance or Parti Ikatan Demokratik Malaysia) has announced its intention to stand solo.
The party went further in its political experiment by forging a political pact with another minor but overtly ideological party, the Socialist Party of Malaysia.
Both parties share a similar problem in terms of limited resources in campaign operations.
Nonetheless, the notion of "birds of a feather flock together" for the nationwide election is preposterous, and irrational, and potentially pushes the minor party into the fringe of the country's politics.
I implore Muda's leadership to seriously review this decision.
Despite the notion of openness in democracy, we must admit the first-past-the-post system is designed by dividing the winning chances along the lines of macro- and micro-level democracy.
At the macro-level, the nationwide election requires any party to undertake a full-fledged operation. Funding and machinery difficulties are common problems that impede the minor party's prospect to shine in the big-scale election.
Consequently, those who with a big purse will stand a chance to emerge victorious. The bigger the purse, the more effective machinery could be deployed.
I do not intend to elaborate on how much election funds should be spent by the party. It is noteworthy to reckon, by selling "otak-otak Muo" alone is insufficient to ensure the necessary funding is met.
Aligning themselves with the major coalition does not render minor parties like Muda, Berjasa, and Putra to become fangless. They are still able to contribute to the policy-making process albeit winning a relatively small number of seats.
Common tactics employed by junior coalition partners like "hijacking" and "logrolling" ensure the minor party agenda in policymaking is achieved. This is proven in coalition governments like Germany, the Netherlands, and Sweden.
Micro-level democracy is the best option to run solo or align with another minor party. It is tailored for a grassroots approach to politics.
Referring to the case of the London borough elections in the United Kingdom in 2006, minor parties like the Respect party gained 12 seats on Tower Hamlets London Borough Council.
That year, the neo-fascist British National Party secured 10 seats on Barking and Dagenham council.
Therefore, the reintroduction of the local council election in Malaysia could provide equal opportunity for any party regardless of size to compete fairly in the electoral process.
At the end of the day, it may restore the unity government's reputation and legacy in the history of Malaysian democracy.
The writer is a political analyst and doctoral candidate at the Institute of Ethnic Studies, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia
The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect those of the New Straits Times
